John Collier and the Indian New Deal Essay -- American History

John Collier and the Indian New Deal At the beginning of the 20th century, Native American culture was on the edge of extinction. Indians were at the bottom of the economic ladder. They had the lowest life expectancy rate, the highest infant mortality rate, the highest suicide rate and the highest rate of alcoholism than any other group in America. The Meriam Report of 1928, an 872-page study, laid the blame at the foot of the Federal Government. When President Franklin Delano Roosevelt took office 1933, a series of major reforms were implemented that would later come to be known as the â€Å"Indian New Deal†. An important chapter in contemporary Native American history was about to begin. This essay will outline the major elements of the Indian New Deal and examine its achievements, failures and criticism. A critical analysis of the Indian New Deal would not be complete without a brief history of its progenitor, John Collier. His career started in 1907 as a social worker with the People’s Institute in New York City. During his time with the institute, Collier developed a social ideology based on the preservation of cultural traditions and communal life. In 1920, he found himself among the Pueblo tribe of New Mexico. Collier became enchanted with their sense of community, believing it to be an affirmation of his views on social policy. From this point on, he was at the forefront of the Indian reform movement. In 1923, Collier and other reformers founded the American Indian Defense Association, an organization committed to ending land allotment and preserving Native American culture. At the request of Secretary of Interior Harold L. Ickes, President Roosevelt selected Collier to oversee the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). Immedia... ...7. William T. Hagan, American Indians (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993) 176. Vine Deloria, Jr. ed., American Indian Policy in the Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1985) 43. Vine Deloria, Jr. and Clifford M. Lytle, American Indians, American Justice (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983) 99. Emma R. Gross, Contemporary Federal Policy Towards American Indians (New York: Greenwood Press 1989) 20. U.S. Congress, Committee on Indian Affairs, Hearings on H.R. 7781: Indian Conditions and Affairs, 74th Congress, 1st Session, 1935, p.744. Terry L. Anderson, Sovereign Nations or Reservations? An Economic History of American Indians (San Francisco: Pacific Research Institute for Public Policy 1995) 144. Vine Deloria, Jr. ed., American Indian Policy in the Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1985) 93.

Maiden Voyage by Denton Welch Essay

This passage from Maiden Voyage by Denton Welch is an account of an adventurous European boy in China who wishes to explore the different cultures and experience the extraordinary. Yet he is overwhelmed by the barbarity of the new culture and this reveals to the reader the unexpectedness of life from the boys perspective. Through the first person narrative and detailed descriptions of the events, various themes such as teenage rebelliousness, gap between different cultures and our limited knowledge is highlighted through different literary features such as contrast, colour imagery and metaphor. From the very beginning, the juxtaposition between the inside and the outside of the European villa accentuates the differences between two cultures. Inside the villa, where the foreigners live, seems to be more secure and settled as reflected by the reference to the stable doors. The boys observation of the signs of cultivation also hints the civilised European culture inside the walls. This perhaps links to Mr Butlers comment that foreigners are not very popular and people outside and foreigners have separate communities. The main character using moth eaten balls and the old tennis racket shows that young people like himself used to stay at the villa, but not for long periods of time it is where people dont appreciate the thoughts of the young. As the plot develops, the change in the setting is emphasized by imagery. Words such as a black speck and a dark boulder are colour imageries used to foreshadow the unfavourable and unexpected event. Outside of the European villa, the human head that the boy has found implies that the culture outside is in a way, barbaric. This is supported by cruel images such as odd white teeth stood up like ninepins in its dark, gaping mouth, its cheeks and shrivelled lips were plastered black with dried blood. These images not only highlight the unfortunate and unexpected events, but also give emphasis on difference between the two cultures. The boys fear and realisation of the hostility between cultures are conveyed from the head is described through imagery. Tall rank grass grew was dry and sharp as knives. Also the second mention of the insects reminds the boy of the head, causing the boy to feel more fearful. Through the main character, the author explores various themes of maturity  and our awareness of different cultures. Readers are able to observe that the main character seems to be a boy, from him playing tennis. It is shown that he is an adventurous person as he is [longing to explore]. He [hates] to be dependent on other people and says they would never want to do what I want to do- highlighting the theme of teenage rebelliousness and his desire to be independent. His unhappiness and dissatisfaction with his quiet lifestyle is suggested when [He hits] the balls fiercely against the stable doors. The boy feels imprisoned in a European villa and a line of poplars; the orderly line of poplar implies the structured and formal environment of the villa. For the boy, even the straight line of poplars is a sign of restriction and [imprisonment]. . As an act of rebellion, he does not want to listen to the elders, but carries out what he believes to be right, without rational thinking about the consequences. . From the action of the main character, the author highlights the themes of teenage rebelliousness, difference between two cultures and acceptance of a different culture. In the line, [he] let [himself] quickly out of the back gate, the back gate has an implication that it was done in secret. This once again reinforces the theme of teenage rebelliousness as this action was disapproved by Mr Butler and Mr Roote the adults. Despite his rebellious nature, however, his immaturity and lack of knowledge are evident in his initial response to finding the head. The rather naà ¯ve observation of the head, I saw that the object was not black but pink shows that he was not able to identify what he was seeing highlighting the boys unawareness of other cultures. This colour imagery used to describe the head, helps the reader picture the situation, and senses the shock that the boy feels. The line [he] stared at it stupidly until [his] numbed sensescan be interpreted as him being stupid and numb in the understanding of other cultures. When he finally finds out that it was a human head, [he jumps back]with [horror] and [terror]. Such shock from the discovery of a new culture highlights the unexpectedness of some events in life. The boys panic is emphasized through metaphors and diction in the passage. The first cur barked as a sound imagery, contributes to the fast-flowing and panicking situation where the boy is running away from the head. Also, the  wall is a metaphor for the separation between the two cultures. The tall rank grass that is dry and sharp as knives, shows that one culture is almost trying to repel the people from another. Also, knives are an image that conveys cruelty and hostility between the two cultures. The boys horrified action and shock contributes not only to the differences of two cultures but also the lack of endeavour to tolerate these differences. In the passage from Maiden Voyage, various themes such as expectations from different cultures, teenage rebelliousness and our limited knowledge are explored though a European boys horrifying experience. These themes are supported by a variety of literary features such as colour imagery, metaphor and contrast. The authors message that people should try to accept and understand other cultures is conveyed in the passage through highlighting these main themes. Text -Foreigners are not very popular here, Mr Butler told me at breakfast. So I dont think you ought to go out alone.My heart sank. I hated to be dependent on other people. They would never want to do what I wanted to do. I began to feel imprisoned. I took up the moth-eaten balls and the old tennis racket which were lying in the hall, and went into the garden. I hit the balls fiercely against the stable doors until I was too hot and unhappy to go on. I sat brooding on the steps. I might have been in Sydenham for all I could see a European villa and a line of poplars; yet outside lay a Chinese city which I was longing to explore. After lunch I decided that I could stand it no longer. Mr Butler and Mr Roote were still deep in their mornings discussion, so I let myself quickly out of the back gate and walked along the sandy lane which led into the country. Mr Butler could not mind my walking in the country, I thought. Everything was still and silent, in an early-afternoon torpor. The only sound came from the stunted bushes which squeaked and grated linguistically as the wind passed through them. Pillars and scarves of dust and sand rose up from the ground, eddying and swirling themselves into flat sheets which hovered  in the air. Harsh spears of grass stuck up through the sand. The soles of my shoes began to burn and I looked round vainly for some shady place. I enjoyed the dreamlike stillness and wanted to stay out for as long as possible. I thought that if I walked on I might find a place. The road led towards the hills. Across the sandy plain the city walls stood up like cliffs. Turrets and bastions were ruined cottages, crumbling into the sea. I walked on, fixing my eyes on a black speck some way in front of me. I wondered if it could be a cat crouching in the middle of the road; or perhaps it was a dark boulder. As I drew nearer, a haze of flies suddenly lifted, and I saw that the object was not black but pink. The loathsome flies hovered angrily above it, buzzing like dynamos. I bent my head down to see what it was. I stared at it stupidly until my numbed senses suddenly awoke again. Then I jumped back, my throat quite dry and my stomach churning. The thing was a human head. The nose and eyes had been eaten away and the black hair was caked and grey with dust. Odd white teeth stood up like ninepins in its dark, gaping mouth. Its cheeks and shrivelled lips were plastered black with dried blood, and I saw long coarse hairs growing out of its ears. Because it was so terrible, my eyes had to return to it whenever I looked away. I stared into its raw eye-sockets until waves of sickness spread over me. Then I ran. The whole plain and the bare hills had suddenly become tinged with horror. I found myself between high banks. I would soon be coming to a village. There were signs of cultivation. When the first cur barked, I turned and ran back the way I had come. I did not know what to do. I would have to pass the head again. I tried to avoid it by making for the city walls across the pathless sand. My feet sank in, and my shoes became full and heavy. My only idea was to get  back to the house. Tall rank grass grew in the shadow of the wall. It was dry and sharp as knives. I pushed through it, looking up at the towering cliff for a gate or steps to climb. Nothing else seemed to be alive except the insects. I could only hear their buzzing and the slap of them when they hit the wall. There was no gate. I began to feel desperate. I ran towards a bastion, wondering if I could climb up to it in any way. I knew that I could not. Denton Welch, Maiden Voyage (1943)

95 theses

Luther's Theses Against the Church Martin Luther was a Theologian who was on his way to becoming a lawyer until an event that altered his life. In July 1505, Luther was caught in a terrible thunderstorm where he genuinely feared he may die. During the storm, he cried out to St. Anne, the patron saint of miners and said â€Å"Save me, St. Anne, and I'll become a monk! â€Å". (A;E Networks 1) When he told his parents of his decision, his father was deeply disappointed in him.Luther also was driven by the wrath of God and felt as if his decision would help him gain salvation. When Luther finally realized that the answer to spiritual salvation was not to fear God or religious dogmas, but that faith alone would bring salvation. After hearing of Pope Leo the 10th's new round of indulgences in order to help pay for building St. Peter's Basilica in 1517, Luther had had enough. On October 31, 1517, Martin Luther nailed his 95 theses to the door of the Castle Church in Wittenberg.The theses listed many critiques of the Catholic Church, such as the corruption of the Church through the indulgences and taking money from the poor to construct buildings. Copies of the 95 theses were spread throughout Europe within two months of being nailed to the door on the Castle Church, in large thanks to the invention of the printing press. In Luther's 82nd these, he talks about the church's indulgences and how immoral it is. He asks â€Å"Why does not the pope liberate everyone from purgatory for the sake of love and because of the supreme necessity of their souls? . In that, he is saying that the pope should let everyone into heaven and not have to wait in purgatory, and not have to pay an indulgence to the church. He also mentions that the money is a much perishable thing and that the building of St. Peter's Basilica is such a minor purpose, and gets away from the ideals of the early Catholic Church which were that you should not have many possessions and give to the less fortunat e whenever you can.The church's view on indulgences, which were certificates that were produced in bulk and been pre-signed by the pope, were that they gave you access to heaven by pardoning your sins or your relative's sins who had already died and could not purchase one themselves. The money gained from the indulgences were put to constructing new churches and buildings to praise Jesus Christ. The Church also said by doing this, you were committing a Christian act and this would get you closer to God.In Luther's 86th these, he talks about how the church is getting away from the basics of the early teachings of having very little and giving away most of its possessions. He says â€Å"Since the pope's income to-day is larger than that of the wealthiest of wealthy men, why does he not build this one church of St. Peter†¦ rather han with the money of indigent believers? â€Å". From this quote, he is saying that the rich should not be getting richer trom the money ot the poor, like the Baurys Pope is from his poor believers, who should be the ones getting extra money to help them live.The view the Church took of indulgences were that they helped fund the church's expenditures and that the indulgences helped people bypass purgatory and go straight to heaven. Martin Luther's 52nd these, he talks about how you cannot rely on the pope himself even though you have a letter of indulgence. Luther is saying that the letters of indulgences are nothing more than a piece of paper and have no more value to them than the paper they are written on.Another interpretation of this these would be that you have to rely on your faith and not an indulgence to get yourself into heaven. The church told anyone that bought an indulgence was promised entry into heaven, regardless of their faith. In the 6th these, Luther tells how the pope can't remit any guilt himself, but only can be only be a middleman from God to tell people that their sins are forgiven. The only power that the pope has is that he can remit sins in cases reserved to his discretion.In this these specifically, Luther is saying that the pope is not the highest authority of power but is only a facilitator for God on Earth, and in this show that the pope could not do what only God could do, mainly guarantee rights into heaven. Martin Luther with his 95 theses wanted to bring a debate about certain ideas that were prevalent in the church at that time. He noticed people in his own parish had stop coming to Baurys 3 hurch because they believed their indulgences guaranteed them access into heaven, no matter how bad of a life they lived, or how often they came to church.Luther wanted to bring reform to the church and show mainly poor people that they did not have to give away a majority of their money to the church for material gain for the church. Also, he wanted to the poorer people that they could live with good faith and still get into heaven without living in complete poverty.

Juvenile delinquency however as a field of study Essays

Juvenile delinquency however as a field of study Essays Juvenile delinquency however as a field of study Paper Juvenile delinquency however as a field of study Paper Various theories have been proposed to explain the cause of juvenile delinquency, this have ranged from the logical to the most basic and instinctive. Juvenile delinquency however as a field of study is a relatively modern development, in the past, societies punished juvenile offenders as if they were nothing more than young criminals. This practice was based on the thinking that the causes of delinquency are not any different from the causes of criminal action and should be punished as such. Scholars have tried to explain why juveniles engage in criminal deviance; early theories were founded on superstition and myth, while the classical school of thought emphasized rational personal choice. As societies became more complex, theoretical models of delinquency reflected the societies understanding of its environment and its biases in that particular time. Biological theories of juvenile delinquency have existed for many centuries and although some of its claims are contentious, it had gained scientific credence along the way. For us to have a deeper understanding of delinquency, we must also investigate contemporary contexts and the past for we gain insight from previous constructs. Moreover, biological theories give us an alternative way of understanding delinquency, albeit in a deterministic way. Biological theories of juvenile delinquency refer to the effect of inherited physical traits on human behavior. The different concepts present a deterministic explanation of delinquency and criminality and hold that some people are â€Å"naturally born criminals† with physical qualities that govern their deviant tendencies. These qualities include genetic, biological, biochemical profiles that theoretically cause or have a strong effect upon one’s predisposition for deviant behavior (Martin, 2005). The implication of biological theories to delinquency is that free will or personal choice of the individual is only secondary; rather it is the internal physical characteristics of the individual that causes deviant behavior. Biological theories of causes of delinquency include physiognomy, phrenology, atavism, heredity and somatotyping. Physiognomy posits facial characteristics were deemed to be indicators of moral character, so that an honest appearance may gain more trust than a dishonest appearance. The theory of phrenology states that the brain is the source of all personality, including deviant personality. It is said that lumps, bumps, indentations, protuberances and other cranial features were considered to be indicators of brain development. The theory of atavism postulates that criminals could be identified by primitive physical anomalies present at birth, however it states that it does not determine criminality but are indicators of criminal predisposition. Heredity has also played a major role in explaining delinquent behavior, especially in inquiries related to the occurrence of criminality in families. The theory states that deviance is genetically encoded in those born into a family group that has deviant traits. A modern development in the theory of heredity is chromosome theory, it is believed that individuals who commit crimes carries with them an extra Y chromosome or the super male syndrome, it was found that males with the extra Y were more common in prisons rather than in the society (Jacobs, 1965). Somatotyping is another revision of an older theory on body types, this sought to identify certain body types that are more likely to be found among offenders, of the three body types, Sheldon found that mesomorphs (people who are muscular, sinewy, narrow in the waist and hips, and broad shouldered) were found to be juvenile delinquents. The biological theories on juvenile delinquency tried to explain the causes of delinquent behavior, as such it has been in a limited way because it does not account for personal choice or the individual. But this is really the thrust of the biological theories; it removes personal accountability for one’s actions and instead is governed by the internal processes and characteristics of one’s body. The biological theories gave me an opportunity to think at how myopic our view of human behavior was in the past, but nevertheless it also displays man’s ingenuity in searching for answers. In real life however, there is truth in the claims of the biological theories, like when we seem to feel good about children who are pleasant looking, and why we shun children who are not. There is even almost this stereotype that juvenile delinquents resemble mesomorphs in body types, and that we often hear people say that children are sometimes born evil? Thus, it can be said that even if biological theories are outdated and needs to be scientific, it nevertheless is a tool to broaden our understanding of delinquency. References Canter, Rachelle. (1982). Family Correlates of Male and Female Delinquency. Criminology 20:149-67. Howell, J.C. 2003a. Preventing and Reducing Juvenile Delinquency: A Comprehensive Framework. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Jacobs, P., Brunton, M., Melville, M.M., (1965). Aggressive behavior, mental subnormality, and the XYY male. Nature, 208, 1351-1352 Martin, G. (2005). Juvenile Justice SAGE Publications, Inc.

Ife Modakeke Essays

Ife Modakeke Essays Ife Modakeke Essay Ife Modakeke Essay Urban-ethno communal conflict in Africa: Nigeria Abidemi R. Asiyanbola PhD Department of Geography and Regional Planning, Faculty of the Social Sciences, Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State, Nigeria E-mail: [emailprotected] com or [emailprotected] com A paper submitted for presentation at the Union for African Population Studies (UAPS) Fifth African Population Conference, Arusha, Tanzania: December 10 – 14, 2007 2Abstract: Observation from literature shows that the role of ethnicity as a mobilizing agent is among the most important questions of this century as conflicts linked to ethnicity have led to significant loss of life and injuries in many countries, and become major elements in impoverishment, undermining human security and sustainable development. Hitherto, literature on this issue in Africa is relatively weak in terms of systematically providing empirical evidence to substantiate its claims.The paper presents a preliminary report of an empirical study on urban ethno-communal conflict in Nigeria: the case of IfeModakeke. Among the issues examined are the perception of the conflict, how past violence conflict is recollected, and attitude of people towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons, social interaction among the people of the two communities. Also examined is the relationship between perception of the conflict; social interaction; and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. The data used is from a larger household survey carried out by the author in Ife-Modakeke community.The result of the correlation analysis shows a negative relationship between perception of the conflict and social interaction. This implies that the more people perceive the conflict, the less is social interaction with the people of the other community. The result also shows a positive relationship between perception of the conflict and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. This implies that the more people perceive the conflict, the more their attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. Furthermore, the result shows a negative elationship between social interaction and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. This implies that the more there is social interaction among the people of the two communities, the less is the attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. This result suggests that policies that encourage social integration, psycho-social healing and psychological transformation could enhance the attainment of sustainable peace among the people of the two communities. Keywords: Ethnicity; Conflict; Sustainable peace; Africa; Nigeria . 0 Introduction Various part of Africa has experienced dangerous scenes of incessant dysfunctional conflicts, which have occurred between communities, ethnic groups and religious groups. Observation from the literature shows that the role of ethnicity as a mobilizing agent is among the most important questions of this century as conflicts linked to ethnicity have 3 led to significant loss of life and injuries in many countries, and become major elements in impoverishment, undermining human security and sustainable development.Ethnicity refers to a group of people with a common socio/cultural identity such as language, common worldview, religion and common cultural traits (Boaten, 2000). Thus ethic groups are social formations distinguished by the communal character (i. e language and culture) of their boundaries (Nnoli, 1980). In other words, ethnic groups represent categories of people characterized by cultural criteria symbols including language, value systems and normative behaviour, and whose members are anchored in a particular part of the new state territory (Otite, 1990).Actually, the word ethnic is derived from the Greek word ethnos which means a group of people who share a common and distinctive culture. In its classical meaning, ethnic relates to a member of a particular ethnos (Imobighe, 2003). Hence ethnicity a ccording to Imobighe should be seen as the feeling of belonging to a distinctive cultural or linguistic group, or a manifestation of ethnic consciousness in relation to other groups. Conflicts arise from the pursuit of divergent interests, goals and aspirations by individuals and or groups in defined social and physical environments (Otite, 1999).As observed in the literature, ethnic conflict derives their rationale and configuration from perceived socio/cultural differences. In fact, Otite (1990) present a picture of ethnicity as the contextual discrimination by members of one group against others on the basis of differentiated system of socio-cultural symbols. He affirms that ethnicity has the properties of common group consciousness and identity and also group exclusiveness on the basis of which social discriminations are made.This in most case as experienced in most African countries and in Nigeria in particular has resulted to violent intractable conflicts. 4 Nigeria is a large multiethnic country where ethnic cleavages remain a critical problem and ethnic violence has erupted periodically. Within the past four decades, Nigeria has experienced dangerous scenes of incessant dysfunctional conflicts, which have occurred between communities, ethnic groups and religious groups.It is note worthy that these conflicts are not confined to any specific geo-political region of the country. The situation has become extremely worrisome since the beginning of the new democratic dispensation that is, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, which was enthroned on May 29, 1999. Within the first three years of the country’s return to democratic rule, Nigeria had witnessed the outbreak of several violent communal or ethnic conflicts, while some old ones had gained additional potency.Examples of conflicts in Nigeria in recent time include Yoruba-Hausa community in Shagamu, Ogun State; Eleme-Okrika in Rivers State; the intermittent clashes in Kano, Kano State; Zango-Kataf in Kaduna State; TivJukun in Wukari, Taraba State; Ogoni-Adoni in Rivers State; Chamba-Kuteb in Taraba State; Itsekiri-Ijaw/Urhobo in Delta State; Aguleri-Umuleri in Anambra State; Ijaw-Ilaje conflict in Ondo State; Basa-Egbura in Nassarawa State; Hausa/Fulani-Sawaya in Bauchi State; Fulani-Irigwe and Yelwa-Shendam, both in Plateau State; Hausa-Yoruba clashes in Idi-Araba in Lagos State, and Ife-Modakeke in Osun State (Ubi, 2001; Imobighe, 2003; Omotayo, 2005). The oldest intra-ethnic conflict in Nigeria, however, is Ife-Modakeke crisis. It has been going on for more than a century (Aguda, 1994; Albert, 1999; Agbe, 2001; Toriola, 2001). The conflict has become its own raison deter, its own self-empowered, and selffulfilling, as it had since detached from its original cause (Augsburger, 1992; Omotayo, 2005). While the causes of the crisis are many and varied, these causes are cultural 5 identity, economic and politics.These causes have been identified in the literature as important ele ments in ethnic conflicts. Although, there have been various studies on African peace and conflict which have provided novel theoretical perspectives and to a larger degree manages to capture the core issues explaining turmoil and violence in the continent. However, when assessed jointly, the publications are relatively weak in terms of systematically providing empirical evidence to substantiate its claims. The present study intends to contribute along this identified gap. In the paper, I present a preliminary report of an empirical study carried out in 2006 on urban ethno-communal conflict in Nigeria focusing on the case of Ife-Modakeke.Among the research questions which the study addresses are: What is the perception of the conflict? How is past violence conflict recollected? What is the attitude of people towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons? How is inter-personal relationship among the people of the two communities? Is there relationship between perception of the conflict; social interaction among the people of the two communities; and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons? The null hypothesis tested in the paper are that there is no significant relationship between perception of the conflict; social interaction among the people of the two communities; and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons 6 2. Methodology The data base for the paper is derived from both primary and secondary data sources. The primary data used in the paper is from a larger household survey carried out by the author in Ife and Modakeke communities in 2006. The household survey was implemented using the method of face-to-face interviews. The questionnaire was designed to collect information among others on the perception of the conflict, attitude towards violence/conflict/use of weapons, recollection of past violence conflict, recollection of past violence conflicts and social interaction indicators, etc In the two communities a total of 390 households wer e interviewed.Exact population figures of the two communities was not known as at the time of the field survey. The result of National Population census conducted in March 2006 was not yet released as at the time of the field survey. Therefore, in Ife community 195 households were interviewed, and in Modakeke community 195 households were interviewed. The choice of the sample size is based on the considerations of many factors including (De Vaus, 1996:73) cost, time, accuracy, and the fact that information relating to ethnocommunal conflict is still very sensitive in the two communities. Comprehensive list of households/dwellings in Ife and Modakeke communities is not available.Therefore, with the aid of an updated map of the two communities, Ife community is divided into 28 localities and Modakeke community is divided into 15 localities after blocking off localities that are badly affected by the conflict. By locality, I mean population clusters grouped together based on the local name of the area and the presence of notable boundaries such as stream or road. All the accessible 15 localities in 7 Modakeke community were selected, while in Ife, table of random number was used to select 15 localities. Thirteen (13) questionnaires each were administered in each of the localities selected. The households were randomly selected.Heads of households who were above 30 years in age and/or the spouse, preferably first wife in a polygamous household were interview. In order to ensure equal representation of women and men in the survey, the interview was conducted in alternate manner as survey proceeds, male/female head of household or wife preferably first wife in a polygamous household. The survey was carried out in July/August, 2006. For some reasons including security and safety, 20 field assistants were employed – 10 field assistants who are familiar with Ife community for Ife community survey, and 10 field assistants who are familiar with Modakeke community for Modakeke community survey. The field assistants are students of Obafemi Awolowo University.Training programme was conducted for these 20 field assistants on 1st July, 2006, at the Department of Geography, Faculty of the Social Sciences, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. I also engaged the service of a colleague Lecturer in the Department of Geography at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife in the training programme and the field work. The secondary sources of data that were used include literature – published and unpublished materials, technical reports, and publications. The data collected was analysed using simple frequencies, and percentages. Correlation statistical technique was used to test the stated hypothesis. 8 3. 0 Ife-Modakeke crisis – a brief account Ife-Modakeke, is situated in Osun State in the South – West Zone of Nigeria.The south –West Zone is made up of six States, namely, Ekiti, Lagos, Ogun Ondo ,Osun and Oyo States. The Zone is t raditionally inhabited by one of Nigeria’s three largest ethnic groups, the Yoruba. Historical accounts have it that Ifes and Modakekes are sons and daughters of the same parents. As Yorubas, their ancestry is traced to Oduduwa the progenitor of Yoruba race. It was the collapse Old Oyo Empire in the 19th century which caused a flood of refugees down south. Most of these refugees headed towards Ile-Ife. They must have been attracted to Ile-Ife by the historic image of the city as the aboriginal home of the Yoruba people [Orisun Yoruba] (Albert, 1999:143).The Ooni gladly welcomed the refugees as they relocated to Ile-Ife (Akinjogbin, 1992) and subsequently formed a community known today as Modakeke on a separate settlement created for them. The relationship between the Ifes and these Oyo refugees was very cordial at the initial stage. The Ooni and his Chiefs found them and their Oyo kinsmen. Back home, to be good allies in moments of warfare and good hands in farm work. The Oyo s provided military support to the Ifes during the Owu War of 1825 and various Ijesha invasions. This encouraged Ife Chiefs to throw their doors open to more Oyo refugees as they came in greater numbers. Land was given to them and several of them worked for Ife farmers. The first Ife-Modakeke crisis occurred in 1835 to 1849 (Albert, 1999; Oladoyin, 2001).This marked the beginning of an age-long communal violence between the Modakeke and the aboriginal communities in Ile-Ife. 9 Historical account of the first and origin of Ife-Modakeke crisis as stated by Albert, (1999:144-145) is that an Ife Chief, Okunade, the Maye, who was the leader of the Yoruba warriors that settled in Ibadan in the early nineteenth century; though a brave warrior, was an autocrat. He wielded so much influence in Ibadan politics that the Ifes started to see Ibadan as an extension town. In 1835, Okunade’s autocracy was challenged by some Oyo citizens in Ibadan; he was consequently expelled from the town. He attempted to recapture the city during the Gbanamu battle. He was killed and he Oyos thus took over the political leadership of Ibadan to the utter exclusion of their Ife allies. The Ifes responded by venting their anger on the Oyo refugees in their town (Akitoye 1970; Ajayi and Akintoye 1980). The refugees therefore were getting ill-treated and were sold into slavery. Around this same 1835 when the Ife hostility commenced against the Oyo refugees in their midst, rumours were circulating that the Fulani jihadists were preparing to invade some parts of Yorubaland from their Ilorin base. The surrounding Ife territories of Ikire, Iwata, Gbongan, Ipetumodu and Origbo became evacuated and the refugees came to settle in Ile-Ife. But the attitude of the Ifes to strangers had changed.Ooni Abeweila, who ascended the throne in 1839, had to send some of the refugees back to Ipetumodu, Gbongan and Ikire in 1847 following the defeat of the Fulani invaders at Osogbo in 1840. By the same year, the Ooni created a separate settlement from those Oyo refugees who had no home to rerun to. The settlement was named Modakeke after the cry of a nest of storks on a large tree near the site. The leader of the Oyo refugees was given the title Ogunsua (Johnson 1973; Akinjogbin 1992). To date, there had been seven major wars – 1835-1849, 1882-1909, 1946-1949, 1981, 1983, 1997-1998 and 2000. The conflict is depicted as a conflict between the Ife 10 â€Å"landlords† and the Modakeke â€Å"strangers/tenants†. The recent crisis has caused over 2000 deaths and several more injuries.Several hundreds of people were shot, slaughtered or lynched; several houses and properties were destroyed. Various studies have examined Ife-Modakeke crisis. Such studies include Albert (1999), Aguda, (2001); Oladoyin (2001), Agbe (2001), Toriola (2001), and Babajimi (2003). These studies have examined the history, causes and consequences of Ife-Modakeke crisis. The causes of the conflicts b etween Ifes and Modakekes are many and varied and are partly economic and party political and identity issues revolving around landownership issues, payment of land rent (Isakole), status of Modakeke community, local government creation and location of local government headquarters.In addition, the crisis, since the post-colonial period, has been a veritable weapon in the hands of those interested in creating political tensions in Yoruba land. 4. 0 Perception of the conflict In the survey various questions relating to perception of the conflicts were asked. Table 1 below shows the indicators of perception of the conflict which are asked in the questionnaire form administered. 11 Table 1: Indicators of perception of the conflict S/N Perception of the conflict 1 2 3 4 If ever heard of any conflict between the two communities Number of crisis aware of If think that the conflict is resolved If still expect crisis again between the two communitiesThe result of the frequency analysis is s hown in Table 2. The Table shows that majority of the respondents (97. 4%) have heard of the crisis between Ife and Modakeke community. Also, most of the respondents (58. 2%) are aware of 3-4 numbers of IfeModakeke crises, followed by 30. 0% who said that they are aware of 1-2 numbers of IfeModakeke crisis, and 8. 5% who said that they are aware of 5-6 numbers of Ife-Modakeke crisis. Thus, about 96. 7% of the respondents are aware of between 1-6 numbers of IfeModakeke crises. In response to the question as to if think that the conflict is resolved, and if still expect crisis again between the two communities; 34. % said that the conflict is not resolved, while 22. 1% said that they still expect crisis again between the two communities. 12 Table 2: Perception of the conflict S/N Perception of the Response conflict Ife % (n = Modakeke 195) % 195) (n Total % (n = = 390) 1 If ever heard of any conflict between the two communities Number of crisis aware of Yes No 1-2 3-4 5-6 gt;6 98. 5 1 . 5 28. 2 62. 1 5. 1 3. 1 57. 9 37. 9 30. 3 68. 2 96. 4 3. 6 29. 8 54. 4 11. 8 0. 0 66. 7 30. 8 13. 9 81. 0 97. 4 2. 6 30. 0 58. 2 8. 5 1. 5 62. 3 34. 4 22. 1 74. 6 2 3 If think that the conflict is resolved Yes No 4 If still expect crisis again between the two communities Yes No Field survey, 2006 5. Attitudes towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons In the survey various questions relating to attitudes towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons were asked. Table 3 shows indicators attitudes towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons which are asked in the questionnaire form administered. 13 Table 3: Attitudes towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons S/N Attitude towards violence/conflict/use of weapons 1 If opposed to the idea of people carrying weapons 2 If would encourage others to carry weapons and fight 3 If think that violence is the best way of expressing dissatisfaction 4 If think that violent fighting between the two community is necessary 5 If making inancial contribution to the community 6 If the respondent encouraged their children to make financial contribution to the community 7 If the respondent encouraged their spouse to make financial contribution to the community 8 If the respondent encouraged their relative to make financial contribution to the community 9 If the respondent encouraged women to make financial contribution to the community 10 If attend community meetings 11 If respondent encouraged their spouse to attend community meetings 12 If respondent encouraged their children to attend community meetings 13 If respondent encouraged their female children to attend community meetings 14 If respondent encouraged other women to attend community meetings The result of the frequency analysis is shown in Table 4. The Table shows that 36. 7% of the respondents said that they are not opposed to the idea of people carrying weapons, 12. 3% said that they would encourage others to carry weapons and fight, 9. % said that they think that violence is the best way of expressing dissatisfaction, while 11. 8% said that they think that violent fighting between the two community is necessary. In the two communities, organized violence is usually planned through community group meetings. Those who have flare for violence/conflicts/use of weapons will not miss community group meetings and will also make contributions to the community. Thus community group meetings attendance and making contributions to the community is used as an indicator of attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. Therefore, questions relating to community group meetings attendance and making contributions to 4 the community are asked in the questionnaire. Most of the respondents (51. 5%) said that they make financial contributions to the community, 28. 7%, 39. 7%, 45. 1%, and 46. 9% said that they encouraged their children, spouse, relatives and others to make financial contribution to the community. Also, most of the respondents (53. 8%) said that they a ttend community meetings, 48. 5%, 33. 1%, 28. 5%, and 46. 7% said that they encourage their spouse, children, female children, and others to attend community meetings. Table 4: Attitudes towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons S/N Attitude towards Response Ife % (n Modakeke Total % (n violence/conflict/use of eapons = 195) % (n = = 390) 195) 1 If opposed to the idea of people carrying weapons Yes No 2 If would encourage others to carry weapons and fight Yes No 3 If think that violence is the best way of expressing dissatisfaction Yes No 64. 1 35. 4 8. 7 90. 8 6. 2 92. 9 8. 8 89. 8 46. 7 51. 8 26. 2 69. 7 60. 6 37. 9 16. 9 81. 1 12. 3 86. 2 14. 9 82. 1 56. 4 43. 7 31. 3 57. 5 62. 3 36. 7 12. 3 85. 9 9. 2 89. 5 11. 8 85. 9 51. 5 47. 7 28. 7 63. 6 4 If think that violent fighting Yes between the two community is necessary No If making financial contribution to the community Yes No 5 6 If the respondent Yes encouraged their children to make financial contribution No to the community 5 7 If the respondent encouraged their spouse to make financial contribution to the community If the respondent encouraged their relative to make financial contribution to the community If the respondent encouraged women to make financial contribution to the community If attend community meetings Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No 11 If respondent encouraged their spouse to attend community meetings If respondent encouraged their children to attend community meetings If respondent encouraged their female children to attend community meetings If respondent encouraged other women to attend community meetings Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No 37. 5 56. 5 42. 1 54. 9 42. 6 57. 4 54. 9 45. 1 47. 7 52. 3 28. 7 71. 27. 2 72. 8 40. 5 59. 5 42. 0 46. 7 48. 2 51. 8 51. 3 48. 7 52. 8 47. 2 49. 2 50. 8 37. 4 62. 6 29. 7 70. 3 52. 8 47. 2 39. 7 51. 5 45. 1 53. 3 46. 9 53. 1 53. 8 45. 4 48. 5 42. 3 33. 1 66. 9 28. 5 71. 5 46. 7 51. 8 8 9 10 12 13 14 Field survey, 2006 6. 0 Social interaction among the people o f the two communities This section examines social interaction among the people in the two communities as a reflection of social integration in the study area. The indicator of social interaction among the people in the two communities is the views of the people about inter-marriage among the people in the two communities. In the survey, various questions 6 relating to the views of the people about inter-marriage among the people in the two communities were asked. This is shown in Box 1. Box 1: Showing various questions relating to social interaction among the two communities that were asked 1. Do people in this community marry from Ife/Modakeke community? 2. How do you see women from Ife/Modakeke that is married to the people of this community? 3. Can you encourage your children to marry from Ife/Modakeke community? 4. Can you encourage your relations to marry from Ife/Modakeke community? 5. Can you as a person marry Ife/Modakeke person? 6. How do you see the children of the women from Ife/Modakeke that are married to the people of this community?The result of the frequency analysis is shown in Table 5. Majority of the respondents (92. 3%) said that there is inter-marriages among the people in the two communities. While 63. 3% sees women that are married to the other community as kinsmen, 2. 1% sees them as strangers, 12. 6% sees them as enemy and 12. 6% are indifferent. Also, while 63. 8% said that they can encourage their children to marry from the other community, 36. 2% said that they cannot encourage their children to marry from the other community. The result of the analysis also shows that 62. 8% said that they can encourage their relations to marry from the other community, while 34. % said that they cannot encourage their relations to marry from the other community. As a person, 54. 4% of the respondents said that they can marry from the other community, while 40. 3% said that they cannot marry from the other community. The result further reveals tha t children of women married to the people of the other community are seen as kinsmen (60. 0%), strangers (3. 3%), enemy (13. 6%), while 21. 3% of the respondents said that they are indifferent. This result suggest that women that are married to the other community and 17 particularly their children have identity crisis in the sense that some sees them as strangers and enemy, although quiet a percentage of the respondents sees them as kinsmen.Table 5: Showing the response to the questions on social interaction among the two communities that were asked S/N Questions Response Ife % Modakeke Total (n 195) 1 = % (n = % (n = 195) 96. 4 3. 1 390) 92. 8 7. 0 Do people in this community marry from Ife/Modakeke community? Yes No 89. 2 10. 8 2 How do you see women from Ife/Modakeke that is married to the people of this community? (1) Kinsmen (2) Stranger (3) Enemy (4) Indifferent 56. 4 3. 1 17. 4 22. 6 53. 8 46. 2 70. 3 1. 0 7. 7 20. 5 73. 8 26. 2 63. 3 2. 1 12. 6 21. 5 63. 8 36. 2 3 Can you e ncourage your children to marry from Ife/Modakeke community? Yes No 4 Can you to encourage marry your Yes from No 51. 8 44. 1 73. 8 24. 6 62. 8 34. 4 relations Ife/Modakeke community 5Can you as a person marry Ife/Modakeke person? Yes No 46. 2 47. 7 55. 4 62. 6 32. 8 64. 6 54. 4 40. 3 60. 0 6 How do you see the children of the women from Ife/Modakeke (1) Kinsmen 18 that are married to the people of this community? (2) Stranger (3) Enemy (4) Indifferent Field survey, 2006 4. 1 16. 9 21. 5 2. 6 10. 3 21. 0 3. 3 13. 6 21. 3 6. 0 Recollection of past violence conflict In the survey, various questions relating to the recollection of past violence were asked. These are shown in Box 2. Box 2: Showing various questions relating to the recollection of past violence that were asked 1. Did you witness any of the Ife/Modakeke violent conflict? 2.If yes, how many? 3. Where were you, your spouse and your family during the recent violent crisis? 4. When did you first hear the story of Ife/Modakeke crisis? 5. Did your parents ever tell you the story of Ife/Modakeke conflict? 6. If yes, which of them told you? 7. If both, which of them first told you? 8. When did you hear the story from your parent? 9. Have you also told/related the story to your children? 10. If yes, when did you first tell your children? The result of the frequency analysis is shown in Table 6. The Table shows that majority of the respondents (90. 3%) witnessed Ife-Modakeke violent conflict. Majority of the respondents (86. %) witnessed between one to four Ife-Modakeke violent conflicts. Also, majority of the respondents (85. 6%), including majority of their spouses (69. 7%) 19 and their families (77. 4%) are living within the community of residence, that is, Ife community or Modakeke community during the recent violent conflit in Ife-Modakeke. Most of the respondents said that they first had the story of Ife-Modakeke crisis during their childhood age period (38. 7%), followed by those who said that they fir st heard during their adolescent age period (22. 1%) and those who said that they first heard during youthful age period (18. 7%). This result shows that majority (79. 5%) have heard the story before their adulthood age.This implies that before the adulthood age period majority of the people are already conscious of the relationship of similarity and dissimilarity/crisis between the two communities. Most of the respondents (58. 5%) said that their parent told them the story of Ife-Modakeke crisis. While 32. 6% said that both parents told them, 14. 6% and 11. 3% said that their father and mother respectively told them. However, 23. 6% of the respondents said that their father told them first while 9. 0% said that their mother first told them. Most (55. 6%) said that they heard the story from their parents before their adulthood age that is during their childhood age period (29. 5%), during their adolescent age period (18. 2%), and during youthful age period (7. 9%). Most of the resp ondents (47. %) said that they have also related the story to their children. Most of the respondents told the story to their children during childhood age period (28. 7%), followed by those who told their children during their adolescent age period (12. 3%), and during youthful age period (4. 9%). 20 Table 6: Showing the response to the questions on the recollection of past violence that were asked S/N Questions Response Ife % (n Modakeke Total % (n = 195) % (n = = 390) 195) 1 Did you witness Yes 90. 8 89. 7 90. 3 any of the No 9. 2 10. 3 9. 7 Ife/Modakeke violent conflict? 2 If yes, how many? 1 2 3 4 5 gt;5 1. Within the community of residence 2. Neighboring rural areas to the community within the state 3.Neighboring community within the state 4. Outside the state 1. Within the community of residence 2. Neighboring rural areas to the community within the state 3. Neighboring community within the state 4. Outside the state 1. Within the community of residence 2. Neighboring rural a reas to the community within the state 3. Neighboring 13. 8 22. 1 27. 3 24. 6 3. 1 0. 0 9. 2 19. 5 23. 1 33. 3 4. 1 0. 5 11. 5 20. 8 25. 1 29. 0 3. 6 0. 3 3A Where were you during the recent violent crisis? 88. 7 82. 6 85. 6 2. 1 2. 6 5. 1 2. 6 4. 6 7. 7 2. 3 3. 6 6. 4 3B Where was your spouse during the recent violent crisis? 73. 8 65. 6 69. 7 5. 6 2. 6 6. 7 3. 1 5. 6 7. 2 4. 4 4. 1 6. 3C Where were your family during the recent violent crisis? 82. 1 72. 8 77. 4 2. 6 2. 6 2. 6 21 community within the state 4 When did you first hear the story of Ife/Modakeke crisis? 4. Outside the state 1. During childhood age period 2. During adolescent age period 3. During youthful age period 4. During adulthood age period Yes No 5. 6 4. 1 34. 9 21. 5 21. 5 22. 1 52. 3 47. 7 6. 7 8. 7 42. 6 22. 6 15. 9 19. 0 64. 6 35. 4 6. 4 7. 4 38. 7 22. 1 18. 7 2. 5 58. 5 37. 7 5 Did your parents ever tell you the story of Ife/Modakeke conflict? 6 7 If yes, which of Father them told you? Mother Both If both, wh ich of Father them first told Mother you?When did you hear the story from your parent? 1. During childhood age period 2. During adolescent age period 3. During youthful age period 4. During adulthood age period Have you also Yes told/related the No story to your children? If yes, when did you first tell your children? 1. During childhood age period 2. During adolescent age period 3. During youthful age period 4. During adulthood age period 14. 9 15. 9 21. 5 15. 4 6. 2 14. 4 6. 7 43. 6 31. 8 11. 8 14. 6 11. 3 32. 6 23. 6 9. 0 8 26. 2 16. 4 5. 1 2. 6 44. 6 55. 4 32. 8 20. 0 10. 8 3. 1 49. 7 50. 3 29. 5 18. 2 7. 9 2. 8 47. 2 52. 6 9 10 26. 2 10. 8 5. 6 1. 5 31. 3 13. 8 4. 1 1. 0 28. 7 12. 3 4. 9 1. 3 Field survey, 2006 22 7. Test of hypothesis The null hypothesis tested is that there is no significant relationship between perception of the conflict; social interaction among the people of the two communities; and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. Tables 7 – 9 sh ows the definition of variables used to measure perception of the conflict; social interaction among the people of the two communities; and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. Table 7: Measure of perception of the conflict S/N 1 2 3 4 Perception of the conflict If ever heard of any conflict between the two communities Number of crisis aware of If think that the conflict is resolved If still expect crisis again between the two communities How measured 1 if yes, 0 otherwise Total in numbers 1 if No, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwiseTable 8: How social interaction indicators are measured Social interaction indicators How measured If people in this community marry from 1 if yes, 0 otherwise Ife/Modakeke community The way women from Ife/Modakeke that are married to the people of this 1 if they are seen as kinsmen, 0 otherwise community are seen If you encourage your children to marry 1 if yes, 0 otherwise from Ife/Modakeke community If you encourage your relations to 1 if yes, 0 otherwise marry from Ife/Modakeke community If you as a person marry Ife/Modakeke 1 if yes, 0 otherwise person The way children of the women from Ife/Modakeke that are married to the 1 if they are seen as kinsmen, 0 otherwise people of this community are seen 23 Table 9: Measure of attitude towards violence/conflict/use of weapons S/N 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Attitude towards violence/conflict/use of weapons If opposed to the idea of people carrying weapons If would encourage others to carry weapons and fight If think that violence is the best way of expressing dissatisfaction If think that violent fighting between the two community is necessary If making financial contribution to the community If the respondent encouraged their children to make financial contribution to the community If the respondent encouraged their spouse to make financial ontribution to the community If the respondent encouraged their relative to make financial contribution to the community If t he respondent encouraged women to make financial contribution to the community If attend community meetings If respondent encouraged their spouse to attend community meetings If respondent encouraged their children to attend community meetings If respondent encouraged their female children to attend community meetings If respondent encouraged other women to attend community meetings How measured 1 if No, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwise 1 if yes, 0 otherwiseThe result of the correlation analysis between perception of the conflict; social interaction among the people of the two communities; and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons is shown in Table 10. From the Table, the result of the correlation analysis shows a negative relation ship between perception of the conflict and social interaction. This implies that the more people perceive the conflict, the less is social interaction with the people of the other community. The result also shows a positive relationship between perception of the conflict and attitude towards 24 violence/conflicts/use of weapons. This implies that the more people perceive the conflict, the more their attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons.Furthermore, the result shows a negative relationship between social interaction and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. This implies that the more there is social interaction among the people of the two communities, the less is the attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. Table 10: Result of the correlation analysis between perception of the conflict; social interaction among the people of the two communities; and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons Community Variable Perception Social Attitude towards of the interaction violence/conflicts/use conflict of weapons ‘r’ ‘r’ ‘r’ Ife (Pearson Perception of the 1. 00 correlation) conflict (n = 195) Social interaction -. 068 1. 00 Attitude towards . 128 -. 006 1. 0 violence/conflicts/use of weapons Modakeke Perception of the 1. 00 (Pearson conflict correlation) Social interaction -. 118 1. 00 (n = 195) Attitude towards . 198** -. 211** 1. 00 violence/conflicts/use of weapons Ife/Modakeke Perception of the 1. 00 (Pearson conflict correlation) Social interaction -. 107* 1. 00 (n = 390) Attitude towards . 152** -. 082 1. 00 violence/conflicts/use of weapons 25 Ife/Modakeke (Spearman Rank correlation) (n = 390) Perception of the conflict Social interaction Attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons 1. 00 -. 133** . 172** 1. 00 -. 091 1. 00 *Significant at p lt; . 05 **Significant at p lt; . 01 8. Summary, policy implication and conclusion The paper present a preliminary report of an emp irical study carried out in 2006 on urban ethno-communal conflict in Nigeria: the case of Ife-Modakeke. Among the issues examined are the perception of the conflict, how past violence conflict is recollected, and attitude of people towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons, social interaction among the people of the two communities. Also examined is the relationship between perception of the conflict; social interaction; and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. The result of the correlation analysis shows a negative relationship between perception of the conflict and social interaction. This implies that the more people perceive the conflict, the less is social interaction with the people of the other community.The result also shows a positive relationship between perception of the conflict and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. This implies that the more people perceive the conflict, the more their attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. Furthermore, the result shows a negative relationship between social interaction and attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. This implies that the 26 more there is social interaction among the people of the two communities, the less is the attitude towards violence/conflicts/use of weapons. This result suggests that policies that encourage social integration could enhance the attainment of sustainable peace among the people of the two communities.Towards this end, there is the need for the promotion of the following policies in the study area: (i) promotion of psycho-social work which aims at both psycho-social healing and psychological transformation towards peaceful co-existence in the two communities; (ii) promotion of peace education in school and the society that target both female and male of all age groups; (iii) promotion of non-violence means in the settling of land dispute issues; (iv) promotion of reconciliation of the Ifes and the Modakekes and trust building in the two communities; and, (v) encouragement of inter-marriage and cultural reintegration of the two communities.

Technical Writing Career

Technical Writing Career A technical writing career is a great if you’re the type of person who enjoys writing and if you have a good command of your grammar. However, the ability to write isn’t the only thing one needs to break into this field. One needs to understand how to take complex information on many different topics and be able to organize and translate them in such a way that the general public can understand it. As our society moves forward into the technological era, the demand for technical writes will grow, making a technical writing career a very viable career option for years to come. There are many opportunities in the realm of technical writing careers for one to choose from. There are opportunities from being a freelance technical writer or working as part of a writing team within an organization. The technical writing field is growing so rapidly that if you have the skills, you’ll find yourself in demand. Some things to keep in mind when considering a technical writing career are what type of writer you want to be. If you choose to be a freelance writer that takes on an entire project then your skills need to be quite considerable as opposed to being part of a team. When choosing a technical writing career, it may be advisable to begin as part of a team so that you can develop individual skills as needed while learning about the whole aspect from other experienced writers. Working on a team in a technical writing career offers one the opportunity to learn under experienced technical writers who can support and advise you in your work. Typically one would start off working under someone that would monitor your work closely. In most cases as part of a team, you would be responsible for a few documents in the beginning. Then as you begin to gain experience, you can expect to be given more challenging assignments. A good writer who wants to break in to a technical writing career will obse rve all the processes carefully and learn all that’s needed. If you ever hope to become a freelance technical writer, you’ll need to know all aspects of technical writing in order to truly impress a company into hiring you and keeping your services. As a lone, freelance writer, you would be expected to be responsible for an entire technical writing project, which can be quite formidable. A technical writing career means having the skills to evaluate the topic while analyzing outside requirements in order to come up with the information needed. Templates would be needed for the documentation books and you would have to possess the skills to design these. As a lone writer, you’d be the one writing all the books, guides, online information, etc. In order to have a successful freelance technical writing career, one must make sure the whole package is accurate and well developed before releasing it for public viewing. Many times if you are hired as the only technical writer, you’ll be working with people who have no experience in technical writing and you do not want criticism to come back into the company about your writing. This indicates to your employers that you’ve put out sloppy work and it could adversely affect the product you just wrote about. In a technical writing career, one needs to spend time building up the necessary skills in order to establish yourself in the field as a reputable, professional technical writer. A technical writing career is an area that offers great growth but one needs to be prepared with the necessary knowledge and skills to truly impress not only your employers but the public that you are putting the information out to as well. The better your skills, the more this will set you above the rest and you’ll be in demand. If you are one who not only enjoys writing but also has a good command of the English language and grammar and possess excellent research and organizational skills then check out a technical writing career.

Terrorism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 9

Terrorism - Essay Example FARC is a Marxist-Leninist self-proclaimed organization which aims to get hold of the country’s wealth by overthrowing the Colombian government (Zalman, n.d.). The Baluchistan Liberation Army (BLA) is one of the main ethno-nationalist terrorist groups based in Baluchistan, which is a province of Pakistan. The aim of BLA is to gain independence from the parent country in order to protect rights of the local people (Chossudovsky, 2007). BLA has been involved in a number of human rights violations and terrorist activities, such as, brutal torture, bomb attacks, extrajudicial executions, and enforced disappearances. A number of cases have occurred in which the militants of the Baluchistan Liberation Army have attacked innocent civilians and have shot them to death after torturing them brutally. The attack on the founder of Pakistan’s residency in 2013, commonly known as Jinnah residency, was also carried out by the militants of the Baluchistan Liberation Army (Reuters,